By Leslie Sklair
This assortment attracts jointly a distinct team of authors to discover how capitalism contributes to the improvement and underdevelopment of the 3rd global. It presents an outstanding evaluate of key suggestions reminiscent of "capitalism", "development","modernization" and "dependency".
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In general terms, the conclusion we can draw from the South African debate is that no necessary or permanent relationship exists between democracy and development. That relationship is necessarily contingent and historically bound. As Unger argues, against all ‘false necessity’ approaches, we need to develop ‘an antinecessitarian approach to social and historical explanation’ (Unger 1987:5). We need to question accounts which emphasize any lawlike necessities, and examine the real nature of connections and the complexity of their genealogy.
The first one I draw is the most radical. National development may well be a pernicious policy objective. This is so for two reasons. For most states, it is unrealizable, whatever the method adopted. And for those few states which may still realize it, that is transmute radically the location of world-scale production and thereby their location on the interstate ordinal scale, their benefits will perforce be at the expense of some other zone. This has always been true up to a point It is more true than ever today.
Surely you do not expect us to do nothing. And my answer is: surely not. At this point I must make an assumption. The assumption is that the objective is truly an egalitarian, democratic world, and not simply a reversal of fortunes inside our present inegalitarian, undemocratic world-system. If this is the objective, what is the route? In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the dominant view was that the route was via nationally organized working-class movements. In the period since 1945 this view has evolved de facto into a somewhat different one: that the route is via popularly organized national movements.